**MyThS & LeGeNdS oF UkRaInE**

Myths and Legends of Ukraine
(Argumentative Essay)

During the millennial history the Ukrainian town had created and transmitted plentiful myths and legends. Even though some people believe that myths and legends are irrelevant, they undoubtedly constitute an indispensable element in the formation of a nation and in the case of this country they take much more relevance for the transformation that it is experiencing in political and social spheres and this believes help Ukrainian town to find their true identity.

Firstly, legends and beliefs are styles of popular narration that transmit to generation in generation the experience and collective memory of a town. They describe the facts, mysteries that happen in the internal life of that town, with the goal to explain them. The same ones were defined by Joseph Campbell, specialist in compared mythology, as "elementary instruments to interpret the reality", and they represent the creations of the symbolic character that are used to solve the current dilemmas for each time, such as the fight for the material and symbolic subsistence of a town and protection of their integrity.

In this perspective, the myths of the pre-Christian pagan time are characteristic and common for several pre-Slavic tribes; the same ones describe the vision and the creation of the World. The biggest characters in Ukrainian myths are: the Svarog who, according to the pagans it is a powerful force of well and light, his son is Daybog (the god of the Sun, light, well-being). Furthermore, with a lot of attention it is related the Rod's facts - the Beginning of the Life, the god of the nature; Yarelo - the Sun of Spring, the love, the youth; Perun - the god of the rays; Strebog - the god of the nature elements, of war, of the calamities, Veil - the god of the "low world", frequently in the myths he appears like a snake-dragon; the Beregenia - people's protector, protects the children and home from evil, incarnate as a woman with the lifted arms; the Lada - it is the goddess of love, beauty and harmony of life. Besides, from the first centuries of the Christianity until the present time some literary works have arrived ("Povest ` Vremennej Let", "Slovo or Polku Igoreve") that present the history of the first Slavic state the Rus ` Kievita - of which the oriental Slavs arose - Ukrainian, Russian, Belarusian. Apart from that, exists the legend of Cossacks, who maintained the moral precepts and the cultural traditions of their ancestors, among them the ideals of the companionship and fraternity, mutual help, life based on the moral and ethical principles of the Christianity. The mentality of the Cossacks reflects a wide range of the Ukrainian national values, such as the faith in God, love, homeland, earth, independence, own freedom, aspiration to the freedom of its homeland, justice.

On the other hand, those who disagree says that these stories were just fantasies that only make part of the imagination of a group of people that needed to get attention. They also argue the cultural dichotomy that today exists inside Ukraine, where the region western reflects European influences while in the oriental regions the impact of the Russian culture is evident and therefore they think that Ukraine doesn't have own identity.

To sum up, not only in Ukraine but also in all the countries of the world, the myths and legends are indispensable because they reflect the identity of each nation and even if exists mixtures of different towns, as I said before, each one has, in the root of their essence, their own identity that is captured in these stories. Series of legends like that of Saint Olga, Ana Yaroslavna, Kozak Mamai and Roksolana, (who used to take in the hands a long branch of the viburnum (“kalyna chervona”) that is the ornamental bush that symbolizes Ukraine), among other legends, they are source of patriotism and symbolism of the nascent Ukrainian culture.

CrImE In UkRaInE...

When we analize countries with a history of authoritarian government, such as Ukraine, the problems like the insecurity and vandalism accompanying it . The authorities more easily succumb to the temptation to resort back to authoritarian solutions, in which some elements of public opinion felt pain. Tend to prevail cultures of violence within the police and communities. Former armed groups may reappear in the form of criminal networks or a private security and repressive apparatus. Other factors exacerbating the situation, as a chaotic urbanization process, the precariousness of the main urban services, the persistence of the gap between rich and poor, the growing influence of the activity of the bands in the social fabric, the availability of weapons and drugs, the effects of demobilization groups of soldiers or rebels, social dislocation, discrimination Systemic corruption and abuse and the police. In addition, public institutions that are illegitimate and the political regime has ruled by resorting to force and not by consent, these problems get worse. Moreover, Ukrainian political groups use violence or incitement, to intimidate voters ...

To conclude, is important to say that is essential that any outstanding problems would be resolved by the same Ukrainians and they have made progress in terms of policies against corruption and violence concerns.

CoMpArIsOn BeTwEeN CoLoMbIa AnD UkRaInE...

The reform or abolition of the old security structures can create a vacuum Security, that´s what happens in Ukraine. When, as a result, increases crime, many people pray for more effective policing. The anger felt by the victims of crime is often considerable, and they blame for their suffering to the authorities or Reform processes. The collective anger determines the demand for a force of order More efficient public. And a common way to do this is by requiring "just punishment" of the restorative justice.

Ukraine and Colombia suffer severe problems of insecurity and instability of public order. But Colombia has guerrillas, which is something that even if is more volatile the nascent republic of Ukraine, has not. It is also important to note that both suffer from corruption and "dirty" competence among political parties, gangs, dislikes and affronts. Ukraine suffers mainly from the corruption of public institutions. In fact, the murder of a journalist during in 2000, is attributed to police to the government of Kuhma.

But the important thing is to remember that Ukraine is beginning until now to form their awareness of a nation and therefore is not exempt from having flaws in their government and social system, but Colombia suffers from serious problems that require more attention from our leaders, is one of the most violent countries in the world, which is obviously painful, the numbers of violence, poverty and unemployment increase, but the policies currently under way expect to find the solution to this cruel and powerful reality that we live on daily.

My TexT CrItIqUe!!!

Ukraine torn by broken promises
(An article about the first year of the victory of Orange Revolution and the Presidence of Viktor Yuschenko)

Viktor Andreevich Yuschenko worked his way through the banking industry and into politics, culminating in his election in December 2004 as President of Ukraine. He attained the presidency after a brutal election campaign in 2004 including hospitalization for dioxin poisoning (under suspicious circumstances), the Orange Revolution, and three rounds of voting. Stephen Mulvey, the author of the article “Ukraine torn by broken promises” published on BBC News on 31 October 2005, mades the analysis and the criticize about the first year of Yuschenko as president of Ukraine. The essential point of the author has of writing this article was to describe how disappointed feel the Ukrainians respect Yuschenko politics after the `honey moon´ that Orange Revolution seems to be and the promises that slowly have been forgotten and begun to dispel the illusion of the Ukrainian town. It’s opportune to remember that after leading this revolution Yuschenko became president. This article is especially targeted to the people who live in Ukraine to realize what has their president done since he was positioned in aim to conclude their predecessor's corrupt government and start a “real democracy” for Ukraine.

The article begins making a description about how people deposited their hopes with the change that Yuschenko’s government assured. They believed that corruption will be eliminated with his ascent to the power, but the promises were unfulfilled and they felt unsatisfied and betrayed by the man that one day promised them to change the irregularities, seems now to become that against what he strongly fought, he even risked his life for a cause that after a year of command, begins to get lost among labyrinths: “I am disappointed. All governments are the same, everyone just wants power” says one person consulted by Mulvey. The author emphasizes the close relations of the president and the tycoons- one of them is godparent of his son- to buy influences, specifically by providing his son expensive gifts like BMW and luxury flats. Besides, the article shows how the key Yuschenko - Tymoschenko (the ex-prime minister), slowly got broken and the financial problems that force she to left the charge in September 2005.

Ukraine torn by broken promises accentuates and calls the attention not only that despite a pledge to separate business from politics, Mr Yushchenko's first administration included prominent business tycoons, but also accusations against members of his family, like his nephew, who became deputy of Kharkiv at a very young age, also his son-in-law who took over a corrugated iron factory when its previous boss - a friend of the family - was appointed minister of industry. Although this scandals and accusations are serious and relevant indeed, there are lots of reasons to Ukrainians feels disappointed during the Yuschenko’s administration, especially the messes of business and politics; but these are the specific weaknesses of this government: Price rises and slowing economic growth ,the increasing size of bribes demanded by middle-ranking officials, a justice minister (now replaced) who exaggerated his qualifications, continued failure to find the killers of a beheaded journalist found decapitated in 2000, the granting of immunity from prosecution to local councillors and reports of campaign funding from a Russian oligarch.

In general, Stephen Mulvey does a good job, because he doesn’t just give his opinion, but he supports it with examples and the most important: with the points of view of the Ukrainian citizens, who finally, are the principal affected with Yuschenko’s politics. He lets them express their feelings, frustrations and commentaries, and he questions the change of the president's attitude towards their enemies and allies.

The only failing through the book is that the author adds precipitate trials of value, because although it is certain that Yuschenko doesn't have a leaf of very clean life, we cannot make sure that its government has not changed some things for well and it is just based on irregularities, those things will be known only with the time and the investigations.

In my opinion, if Mulvey focus a little bit on gather more proofs and to expose more arguments like the ones he exposed with more opinions but not just to one side, he will convince, because the article in some way looks tendentious, so I think he has to consult official and reliable sources to make a worth and well-built article.

Stephen Mulvey provides a very good article about the irregularities and the effects that the power is exerting on Yuschenko, the unknown future of an incipient Republic as Ukraine, and the demands to hear the people’s voice, because, after all, without them the Orange Revolution would never succeed.

(Art 3 ) OrAnGe ReVoLuTiOn!!!

Ukraine's Orange Revolution
Political Protest During Yanukovych, Yushchenko Election Campaigns
© Mark Resnicoff
Jul 10, 2007

Widespread electoral fraud in Ukraine's 2004 presidential election prompts a series of massive, peaceful protests and political events across the country.
Independent Ukraine's fourth presidential election since the disintegration of the Soviet Union was dominated by two main candidates, prime minister Viktor Yanukovych and opposition candidate Victor Yuschenko, Yanukovych was supported by the existing government and the country's Russian-speaking, eastern, industrialized area. Yushchenko, on the other hand, was supported by the more nationalistic and agricultural western areas. The election was volatile, with Yanukovych's party intimidating Yushchenko and his supporters. Many people believe that Yanukovych or others in power were behind the dioxin poisioning of Yushchenko in September, 2004.

First Round Voting

The first-round vote was held on October 31, 2004, with Yushchenko tallying 39.87% of the vote to Yanukovych's 39.32%. The third and fourth leading candidates received a combined 10.8% of the vote. As a result, since no candidate garnered over 50% of the vote, Ukrainian law required a runoff election.
Questions regarding voting irregularities favoring Yanukovych arose immediately after the first-round vote, but were largely dismissed since neither candidate was close to a majority. These questions resurfaced during the second-round vote on November 21 when exit poll results gave Yushchenko an 11% lead, but preliminary results reported by the Central Election Commission revealed Yanukovych to be the winner by 3% of the vote. Allegations of fraud spread rapidly, including claims of voter intimidation, physical assaults, torching of ballot boxes, and multiple votings. Inexplicably, the list of the country's eligible voters increased by 5% on election day. This lead to massive protests around the county beginning November 22 in an attempt to have Yushchenko recognized as the rightful election winner.
Public Gatherings and Protests
The largest of these protests occurred in the country's capital, Kyiv, when an estimated 500,000 people descended upon Independence Square (Maidan Nezalezhnosti). On November 23, these protestors peacefully marched on the Verkhovna Rada (parliament) headquarters carrying orange flags or wearing orange clothing, orange being the chosen color of Yushchenko's Our Ukraine party coalition. Yushchenko, appearing before this huge crowd, said, "We appeal to citizens of Ukraine to support the national resistance movement. We should not leave this square until we secure victory." The protestors obliged, and it is estimated that on some days up to one million people joined the gathering. After twelve days of demonstrations, Ukraine's Supreme Court declared the election results invalid and ordered a revote for December 26.

Second Vote

The re-vote was highly scrutinized by Ukrainian and local observers. Preliminary results announced by the Central Election Commission showed Yushchenko with 52% of the vote and Yanukovych with just over 44%. Yanukovych challenged these results, but all his requests were denied. On January 10, 2005 the Election Commission formally declared Viktor Yushchenko the winner of the election. Yushchenko was sworn in to office as president on January 23, 2005 in the Verkhovna Rada building. Later that day, he appeared in front of hundreds of thousands of people in Independence Square, marking the end of the Orange Revolution

(Art 2) ViKtOr YuShChEnKo' S BiOgRaPhY

Viktor Yushchenko Political Figure
Born: 23 February 1954
Birthplace: Khoruzhivka, Ukraine

Best known as: Popular leader of the 2004 'Orange Revolution' in the Ukraine

Viktor Yushchenko sprang to international prominence in 2004, when he ran for president of the Ukraine against the incumbent prime minister, Viktor Yanukovych, then forced a re-vote after the deciding election appeared to be tainted by fraud. A former accountant and economist, Yushchenko was appointed head of Ukraine's national bank in 1993, shortly after the country gained independence from the former Soviet Union. Yushchenko was made prime minister in 1999 by president (and longtime Ukrainian power-broker) Leonid Kuchma. In 2001, Kuchma relieved the popular Yushchenko from his duties, and Yushchenko promptly became the leader of a liberal opposition coalition known as Our Ukraine. Handsome, charismatic and politically savvy, he attracted a growing following, especially among young pro-democracy activists. In the presidential elections of 2004, Yushchenko was considered the pro-western candidate, while Yanukovych had the support of both Kuchma and Russian president Vladimir Putin. Voting on 21 November was marred by confusion and apparent fraud, yet Ukraine's Central Electoral Commission still declared Yanukovych the winner. Supporters of Yushchenko swarmed into Kiev, clogging the streets and demanding a re-vote. This 'Orange Revolution' (named for the bright clothing the protesters wore) drew worldwide attention, and Yanukovych agreed to a repeat of the voting, which was held on 26 December 2004. Yushchenko won that election by a margin of roughly 52-44%, but Yanukovych immediately contested the results, claiming that "the constitution and human rights were violated." Ultimately the country's Supreme Court ruled that the results would stand, and Yushchenko was inaugurated as president in January of 2005. In August of 2006 Yushchenko accepted the appointment of his rival Yanukovych to the position of prime minister. Yanukovych and Yushchenko continued to battle for power, and in April of 2007 Yushchenko dissolved the parliament and claimed control of the government, setting new elections for May of 2007.
Extra credit: In September of 2004, during the presidential campaign, Yushchenko suddenly became ill and travelled to Austria for treatment. He returned several days later with his face badly pocked and disfigured. In early December of 2004, doctors in Austria who had tested Yushchenko said he appeared to have been poisoned with the chemical dioxin, which possibly had been concealed in soup. Doctors have said the skin condition could take two years to clear up, and the long-term effects on Yushchenko's health are unknown.

(Art 1) UkRaInE tOrN bY bRoKeN pRoMiSeS...

Ukraine torn by broken promises
By Stephen Mulvey
BBC News, Ukraine

A year after the first round of the presidential election that set in motion Ukraine's Orange Revolution, few Ukrainians see much to cheer about.

The millions who stood for weeks on Kiev's Independence Square to demand a free and fair vote achieved their main goals.

They kicked out a corrupt leadership, won freedom of speech and set the country on a path towards Europe.

But many feel let down by the politicians they put their trust in.

The dream team of Viktor Yushchenko and Yulia Tymoshenko - hero and heroine of the revolution, who became president and prime minister - proved incapable of fulfilling their promises.

They pledged an end to Ukraine's notorious cronyism, but after a few months officials were openly trading allegations of abuse of power for personal gain.

"The government acquired many new faces," Mr Yushchenko said as he responded to the crisis by sacking Ms Tymoshenko's government in September.

"The paradox is that the face of the government itself did not change."

Quest for power

He admitted frankly that he and millions of other Ukrainians had begun to be disappointed.

Most of those who are not disappointed are those whose hopes were not high in the first place.

"In a word, I am upset," says Marina Makarchuk, a 60-year-old retired nurse hurrying through Kiev's cobbled streets to her new job as a cleaner.

"I was counting on those promises that were made being fulfilled, but now that seems unlikely. I am disappointed. All governments are the same, everyone just wants power."

Lyudmila Les, a 43-year-old nursery school teacher, clutched her head as she struggled to find words for her frustration.

"Sometimes it almost seems as though the mafia has come to power," she said.

Despite a pledge to separate business from politics, Mr Yushchenko's first administration included three prominent business tycoons.

Ms Tymoshenko herself is rumoured to have made a vast fortune in gas before entering politics, but as prime minister she pushed policies that business disliked - including a review of thousands of privatisations.

Tycoons

This brought her into conflict with some of her pro-business ministers - and in the case of one reprivatisation, the two sides of the government openly backed rival bidders.

Ultimately, Mr Yushchenko accused Ms Tymoshenko of using her position to repay her debts - an accusation she rejected as nonsense.

But Mr Yushchenko himself has not emerged entirely unscathed.

Few supporters objected that much when the tycoons who bankrolled his campaign received government jobs.

But as unconfirmed allegations of corruption swirled around the sacked government, the closeness of Mr Yushchenko's relationship with the tycoons - one is godfather to his son, and he is godfather to another's daughter - began to seem a liability.

The lifestyle of Mr Yushchenko's eldest son has also left journalists asking questions.

Where does a 19-year-old get a Vertu mobile phone and a $100,000 BMW, while paying a peppercorn rent to "friends" for a luxury flat? Might someone be trying to buy influence with the president by providing his son with these riches?

Old friends

They have received no answers, Mr Yushchenko angrily declaring his son's life off limits on grounds of privacy. However, officials say the car is no longer in Kiev.

Cynics also point out that Mr Yushchenko's nephew has become deputy governor of the Kharkiv region at a very young age, and that his son-in-law took over a corrugated iron factory when its previous boss - a friend of the family - was appointed minister of industry.

These presidential relatives may have earned their positions on their own merits, but many Ukrainians have an uncomfortable feeling that may not be the full story.

Plenty of other reasons are given for disappointment:


Price rises and slowing economic growth

The increasing size of bribes demanded by middle-ranking officials

A justice minister (now replaced) who exaggerated his qualifications

Continued failure to find the killers of a beheaded journalist

The granting of immunity from prosecution to local councillors

Reports of campaign funding from a Russian oligarch.

However, the continuing entanglement of business and politics tops the list.

The only other issue that causes as much frustration among former Orange Revolutionaries is the deal Mr Yushchenko struck with his old rival for the presidency, Viktor Yanukovych, in order to get his new prime minister approved by parliament.

"He has quarrelled with his friends and made peace with his enemies," says Lyudmila Les, the nursery school teacher.

"I don't understand it."